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what is casino economy

Its economy is now based on tourism, financial services, shipping and Internet gambling. Legalizing casino gambling is beneficial for Liechtenstein's economy. The principality generated CHF 12 million in taxes on casino gambling in Casinos operated by many Native American governments in the U.S. are creating a are beginning to use as a leverage to build diversified economies. ROX CASINO ЛИЧНЫЙ КАБИНЕТ

Registration of trademarks and patents. Hong Kong. All countries. Registration of Companies. Offshore jurisdictions Jurisdictions with preferential taxation. Other countries and jurisdictions. Registration of trademarks. Controlled foreign companies. Holding, Trust, Fund. Tax Planning and Optimization.

Precious metals. Merchant accounts. Legal Opinion Letter. Obtaining licenses. Accounting services and audit. IT legal services. Legalization, Certification, Translation. Company and Account in One Country. Other services. Ekaterina Bogatova. Responsible Gambling Principle Earlier in this article, we have reviewed the global practice how the responsible gambling principles are applied. AML Compliance All operators of online platforms of casino, betting or other gambling are required to conduct a Know Your Customer KYC procedure, monitor, identify and prevent suspicious transactions, and generate regular reports on any suspicious transactions to the FIU, the financial intelligence unit.

Territorial Taxation The transition to the territorial taxation principle has become the most significant change under the influence of OECD for Curacao. Economic Substance For the purposes of applying the principles of territorial taxation and zero tax rate accounting, including from online gambling operator activities, it is necessary to ensure economic substance on the island.

There are no specific requirements for the adequacy of economic substance in any regulatory document, but in practice, currently, they include as follows: Resident director legal entity or individual. Выяснить больше. Новейшие слова sleepless elite. May 09, К началу. Зарегайтесь безвозмездно и получите доступ к эксклюзивному контенту:. Бесплатные Кембриджские списки слов и викторины. Инструменты для сотворения списков слов и викторин.

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His books center on his idea that financial capitalism breeds excessive inequality and political corruption which inevitably succumbs to financial crisis and economic depression. Roubini had accurately foretold about the recession. In an interviews in June , Schiller warned of the potential of a stock market crash. In August , after a flash crash in individual stocks, he continued to see bubbly conditions in stocks, bonds and housing.

Some of these names are associated with the Bilderberg group. The group last met in June in Montreux, Switzerland. Daniel Estulin has captured the insider story of this enigmatic group in his book — The True Story of the Bilderberg Group. Amongst the Bilderberg topics at Montreux, perhaps the most interesting has been The Weaponization of Social Media, a subject discussed by authors P. Singer and Emerson Brooking in their book Like War.

The authors studied what social media has been doing to politics, news, and war around the world, drawing upon everything from historic cases to the latest in AI and MI machine intelligence. We are beginning to see the warnings of the end of a capitalist economy that has led to massive global debts among countries and individuals due to a skewed system of inequality or rather a system of equality that favors the greedy and powerful group s who aspire total global control through their ownership of media paper, print, communication, Hollywood, advertising and social among others , wealth, fear and misinformation.

What needs to be briefly discussed is what after the casino capital system has collapsed but without a catalyst the system will survive and sustain. For Bilderbergers, China and Russia, the challengers need to be contained as both these countries are the principal threats to the existence and success of the casino and its global economic foundations through banking and insurance. The former two are dystopian remember Big Brother is watching? The single catalyst is war. In order to sustain their unethical economic system, the challengers must be defeated in a duel on a battlefield of their choice and where else than the Middle East?

I do not want to delve deeper than is needed for an economic system that would replace the capitalistic one. In such turbulent times, we all seem to be gamblers, even when we do not intend to be. But actual gambling is big business.

Thirty-nine U. For a decade, gambling has been a form of entertainment with greater consumer expenditures than movie tickets, video games, theme parks, recorded music, and spectator sports combined. Casinos are major entertainment venues.

The American Gaming Association reports that 34 percent of Americans visited a casino in Young adults aged twenty-one to thirty-five are even more likely to go to casinos; the same survey found 39 percent had visited a casino. Moreover, the casino industry is emblematic of a relatively recent wave of service industries that sell a form of experience as their product.

It is no longer a sure bet. The enormous growth of recent decades has reached the point of market saturation. Even prior to the economic and financial crisis that began in , the growth pace of gaming across the United States was slowing. During the Great Recession and its aftershocks, revenue plummeted while casino operators found new profit centers overseas. Less than one-fourth of the gaming industry is now centered in the United States. The global casinos and gaming sector grew at the same time the industry was shrinking in the United States.

The average annual decline in U. As casinos proliferate and gambling is more and more convenient, it ceases to be special. Why plan a vacation to gamble when you can just drive a few miles to indulge? Though the jobs can seem fun and glamorous, gambling culture can grind you down. And, as the employers in the industry feel competitors and creditors breathing down their necks, a short-term focus on the bottom line is eroding those aspects of the jobs that were once valued by employees.

But this undermining of job quality is not unique to casinos. The U. Businesses are trying to survive by trimming, then cutting, then slashing costs. As they do, good jobs are harder to come by. The initial puzzle that prompted us to undertake this project was a concern with whether the casino economy was providing employees good jobs.

We decided that it would be important to listen to what casinos workers said about what constituted a good job and what they viewed as the positive and negative qualities of their own working lives. Of course, we brought our own standpoint to this process. We view paid work as more than simply a means to material ends like buying a house, paying your bills, or saving to retire.

Work, both paid and unpaid, is part of a complex economic process that can be referred to as social provisioning. Their well-being is the most important end product of all. Sometimes policy makers, business analysts, and economists lose sight of this, and talk about people, especially workers, in terms of what they must sacrifice for the good of the economy, treating individuals as means rather than as ends in themselves. Our lens on paid work differs from the standard economics model.

In labor economics textbooks, paid employment generates what economists call disutility , meaning dissatisfaction. It is not something that we do voluntarily. This dissatisfaction has to be compensated by paying us to do something that has no intrinsic value for us. Our pay is then used to purchase goods and services that do bring us satisfaction. Bad jobs were jobs that did not allow someone to achieve the material standard of living that a particular society considers normal.

The literature on good jobs and bad jobs took off in the s, as the U. In the primary sector, good jobs were well paid and had career ladders. Secondary sector jobs were low paid and had lots of turnover and few opportunities for advancement. Economic restructuring, specifically the declining share of employment in the manufacturing sector and the increase in service-sector employment, was depicted as a declining primary sector and expanding secondary sector.

This research was intended to correct an overemphasis on individual worker characteristics supply by analyzing the employer demand side of labor markets. In other words, how much you earn is not solely determined by how hard you work or the education and skills you acquire.

Structural factors like the profitability of the industry, the degree of competition your employer faces, and whether the industry is unionized are equally important. Over time, scholars came to recognize that many industries, especially in the service sector, include both high-wage and low-wage occupations.

Attention turned to good jobs versus bad jobs within industries. Research on job quality also gradually moved beyond a narrow focus on financial compensation to explore other job characteristics. As more studies asked workers to rate what they valued in a job, investigators found that people themselves place tremendous value on job aspects such as autonomy, fulfillment, and ability to balance work and family—in addition to pay. Yet it seemed that the good characteristics clustered together in some jobs and the bad characteristics clustered in others.

And it appeared that job quality was declining in the United States and other postindustrial economies. The focus on clustering of job characteristics led to the argument that jobs are segmented by race and gender. That is, good jobs and bad jobs are often allocated to individuals on the basis of the gender, race, and ethnicity of the worker. These jobs were disproportionately allocated to white males.

White women were channeled into jobs that supported mothering while racial and ethnic minorities found employment in jobs that required co-breadwinning because they did not pay family-sustaining wages. Eventually, feminist scholars challenged the idea that this was a two-step process: first a job is created and then there is a hierarchy in job allocation. Dramatic changes in the U.

The workforce became increasingly diverse. Women, especially mothers with young children, were far more likely to be on the job due to a range of factors that pushed them and pulled them into paid employment. Discriminatory barriers to entry into nontraditional occupations were reduced—though of course not eliminated—for many groups of workers. New immigrants came in search of employment as well.

The assumption that certain job characteristics are good regardless of who holds them was increasingly problematic. Instead, there was more attention to the differences among workers and their needs, dreams, and desires. Workers may hold different values, and social values may themselves change over time.

Our interview informants confirm that job quality is a multi-dimensional concept and diverse employees define a good job in terms of their own life perspective. Most importantly for our study, these diverse transformations have led scholars to conclude that job quality is not static.

There are no intrinsically good jobs or bad jobs. Every time there is a change in job responsibilities, working conditions, the number or types of employees collaborating to accomplish a set of tasks, and, of course, the pay and benefits, a job is reconstructed. Even static wages, in a world of rising prices, change job quality. Jobs are shaped and reshaped by individuals, collective behavior, and institutions.

Business owners and their managers play a pivotal role in this process through all the decisions they make about hiring, promotions, and working conditions. They have to be attentive to the economic environment in which they operate, including competitors, financial markets, conditions in related industries, and their customer base. But they also make decisions on the basis of prevailing social norms, and sometimes even their own ethical standards and beliefs.

Politics and public policy also shape job quality. Employers and employees both jockey for influence in a political world where employers have more funding but employees have greater numbers. Citizens and broader communities view themselves as stakeholders in the kinds of jobs available, so they also seek a voice through political channels. We met Laurel, a young grandmother in her fifties, through mutual friends. Laurel, a white high school graduate, has spent most of her career as a dealer at Caesars, after beginning at another casino.

Like others in the industry, she was drawn in through family connections; her cousin was a dealer. Her first employer told her to attend dealer school and then tested her for assignment to the gaming floor. They watch how you deal the game and how you deal with customers. Laurel wanted to deal craps because of the exciting, high-stakes action.

Management told her she was too short for the craps pit and sent her to roulette at first. When she moved to Caesars in the early s, it was because Caesars had the best toke tip rate in town. These tend to have a higher edge for the house than regular games like blackjack or baccarat. She did not get paid a higher base wage for knowing more games, yet they made her a real asset to the casino.

There were some very good years for Laurel and other dealers in the industry. For example, she worked part-time for several years because she had young children, and her employer at the time offered benefits to part-timers. The flexibility helped her balance work and family. The name of the parent corporation was changed to Caesars Entertainment soon thereafter because it had better brand appeal.

These days, it is difficult to secure a full-time dealer position at all if you are a new employee, because part-timers no longer get benefits. And casinos have been cutting benefits for full-timers, too. Like Laurel. Corporate, she felt, wanted to replace her with a lower-paid part-time employee. But when we spoke with her again in , she was holding onto her job despite the pressure. I am not what corporate would think is the ideal cocktail waitress. Her jobs, at various casinos and family-owned restaurants throughout the city until she settled at Showboat over twenty-five years ago, have helped her, along with her husband, raise three children.

You have to kind of head off conflict if you can, and not make conflict. Being a union member, however, has not prevented major changes in the way she does her work. Nor could it prevent Caesars Entertainment from announcing its intention to close Showboat one year after our interview, abruptly forcing her to look for a new line of work. I only have six minutes from the time the drink is ordered from the iPad to the time I deliver it—only six minutes.

The casino hired new employees, mostly younger, to walk up and down the casino floor with iPhones now iPad minis and take drink orders. I take the next seven drinks out to the casino floor and serve them whether they are anywhere on the casino floor.

Not surprisingly, tips—which cocktail servers keep rather than pool with the others—have declined. Terrence, a middle-aged African American man, also helped raise a family with his casino job. Once in the program, he was faced with a choice between learning to deal blackjack or to service slot machines.

As Toffler would have predicted, the technology that Terrence was initially trained to fix has become obsolete. Slot machines no longer accept coins. Because the fact that [pause] due to the nature of the slot machines, right now, as they exist today. I theorized years ago, about fifteen or so years ago—I talked to one of the chief technicians—I told him that the slot machines of the future, or the casinos of the future, will require fewer and fewer technicians to service more and more slot machines.

Because of automation. They look for a change person who then sells them coins, from a cart, or from a booth. And then they put the coin, they got the coins, they start playing. They put the coins in the slot, they pull the handle. One, two, three, four. If [the coins] get stuck, you have to call somebody to unstick them. When they get a pay up, it pays out in coins. If that gets jammed, you get that. But it used up a tremendous amount of manpower, because somebody had to sell the coins, someone had to collect the coins.

Someone had to pay the jackpot. Someone also had to fill the machine with money when it ran out. And it employed a tremendous amount of people. In contrast, he described the current, coinless slot machines as akin to an automated teller machine at a bank:. So, the customer puts a bill inside the machine, the machine gives them credits, they play, they get done, it spits out a ticket, you go to a window, you either get your cash or go to a machine and then use that.

It eliminates the need to have a hard count team who collects the coins at the end of the night, a cashier who sells the coins, an attendant who has to attend the problems with the machines, and technicians, who fix the machines. Now there are fewer and fewer technicians. Hardly any slot attendants—where you used to have slot attendants, now we have thirty. We used to have, at our place, about, at least slot cashiers.

Now we have maybe twenty. We used to have thirty-seven technicians; now we have maybe nineteen. But we still have 2, slot machines. In order to appreciate the individual stories that casino workers tell, we need to better understand the industry and the city in which they work. Product demand is also affected by the macro economy.

Gambling was long touted as a recession-proof industry, offering relatively cheap entertainment akin to movies during the Great Depression. The economic crisis of , however, disproved this contention. Weighed down by debt and losing their nest eggs house values and retirement accounts , middle-class consumers cut back.

In an industry where line workers depend on tips for a good livelihood, shrinking demand has a direct and profound impact on living standards. There are also microeconomic dynamics within particular industries, as businesses strive to increase their market power and operate as oligopolies or monopolies. A rational business owner, however, abhors perfect competition.

Political economists since Karl Marx have observed the constant striving for market power that leads businesses to consolidate and merge, differentiate their products, and externalize costs. In contrast, Paul Sweezy and Paul A. Baran, radical critics of market economies, suggested that maturing industries will tend to concentrate in order to preserve their market power.

These dynamics are clear in the contemporary casino gaming industry. But we need to review how we got to this point in the history of the industry. Nevada pioneered the modern era of casino gaming starting in the s. Las Vegas, its casino mecca, was isolated in the desert, built relatively from scratch, and did not spark an immediate wave of imitators. Then Atlantic City ventured into the industry in the s as the U. Casinos, it was thought, would bring jobs and tax revenues and enhance the economic development of surrounding communities.

Expansion of the industry nationwide started around , about a decade after Atlantic City opened its first casino doors. Initially, gaming operations outside of New Jersey and Nevada were mostly situated on Native American reservations and riverboats. For example, the Indian Gaming Regulatory Act, passed in , created the structural framework for the operation and regulation of Indian gaming through the National Indian Gaming Commission and the U.

Department of the Interior. Though Native American casinos are owned by the tribes, the day-to-day operations are often under contract with a commercial casino company. Many of these casinos were positioned to draw revenue for state governments as well as casinos from population centers in neighboring states. This pattern drove the escalation in riverboat casinos, as states tried to recapture lost revenue. Sensing a new revenue stream, more and more states beckoned the industry onto dry land.

Congress helped legitimate the industry, even as it pointed to the need for regulation and possible ensuing social problems. Casinos, racinos, and slot parlors gradually expanded into urban areas such as Detroit, Michigan in ; Philadelphia, Pennsylvania in ; and Cleveland, Ohio in Equally important for our study, ownership within the industry changed.

Discovering a viable profit stream, non-gaming corporations absorbed casinos and casino companies starting in the s, streamlining processes and changing the culture of these workplaces. Eventually, as with other sectors of the U. Table 1. Employees felt the change. Ken, a dual-rate pit manager who has worked in the industry in Atlantic City since he got a job soon after graduating from college in the early s, [22] responded to a question about ownership changes:.

Claridge is a very small, tight-knit community. It was the smallest casino in town. So it was quite a culture shock. Because I worked with most of these people for over twenty years…. Lately the changes have been bad. All of these macroeconomic and microeconomic forces have shaped the work experiences of the workers we interviewed. The full force of these macro and micro shifts are generally experienced at the meso level, the analytical level of organizations, institutions, and social practices.

So do Laurel, Zoe, Terrence, and the other workers we interviewed. This level of analysis is too often ceded by economists to other social sciences such as sociology and anthropology. Without understanding the meso level—the lived experience of an economy—we have an incomplete picture. Most crucially, an overemphasis on political and economic dynamics can risk overlooking the collective and individual agency of those working inside the casino economy.

The folks we spoke with were not passive victims of impersonal forces. They were actively building lives and constructing meaning out of the raw material provided, in part, by their jobs. Meso-level analysis informs this study. Collectively, the employees have amassed over years of experience in the Atlantic City casinos. The first wave of interviews took place from late through the summer of , the period leading up to the Great Recession.

We returned to interviewing in , [24] and completed the second wave of interviews in A few interviewees were revisited to update their experiences as the industry and their lives changed. The interviews were supplemented by extensive reading and monitoring of journalistic accounts of the local and national industry, a review of research about the casino industry by scholars, industry analysts, and policy advocates, and hundreds of informal conversations with local residents, as well as our own theoretical and empirical understanding of labor market dynamics.

As is typical for qualitative research, we did not commence the study with a set of hypotheses to test, but rather a general sense of themes and questions based upon extensive prior research. The interviews were loosely structured around a set of open-ended questions. The second, related assumption was that employees, through their time and effort, are not simply inputs into the production process. We construct our lives and our identities partially through the paid and unpaid work we do and how we do it.

The well-being of the people is just as important an output as the goods and services being produced. The interviews were digitally recorded and then transcribed, changing the names of the participants and omitting names of coworkers but not casino owners and customers. Occasionally, we have altered or obscured biographical details in order to protect the confidentially of our sources.

Our aim was not to generate a random sample but rather to target representative constituencies.

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Though my bread and butter- my earnings and livelihood- have come from engineering, economics and statistics have been my passion and study, specifically global economy. In my course of Economics in spring of UT Knoxville , the professor introduced the example of a balloon which like any material possesses elasticity. He marked a few colored dots on an uninflated balloon, each representing an economic factor such as inflation, deflation, GDP, etc.

He blew air into the balloon and as he did so, the dots grew larger. The professor asked the students to suggest when to stop introducing air. At a point in the demonstration, the balloon exploded making a stunning noise. What the professor demonstrated was, no matter what, there is a limit of elasticity and expansion for everything, including economics. The more the factors as with globalization, the chances of the dots colliding against each other increase in statistical harmony as the balloon expands with air.

It does not matter whether the economy is under conservative or liberal socio-political watch. His books center on his idea that financial capitalism breeds excessive inequality and political corruption which inevitably succumbs to financial crisis and economic depression. Roubini had accurately foretold about the recession. In an interviews in June , Schiller warned of the potential of a stock market crash. In August , after a flash crash in individual stocks, he continued to see bubbly conditions in stocks, bonds and housing.

Some of these names are associated with the Bilderberg group. The group last met in June in Montreux, Switzerland. Daniel Estulin has captured the insider story of this enigmatic group in his book — The True Story of the Bilderberg Group. Amongst the Bilderberg topics at Montreux, perhaps the most interesting has been The Weaponization of Social Media, a subject discussed by authors P.

And aiding and abetting these folks was an army of lawyers and institutions, who set up these deals and were also on hand to take them apart. It was - and is - a form of the Casino Economy that we have today. The factory, not long ago, was used to rehabilitate subway cars.

They took old subway cars, added new materials and labor, and created something worth more than the combination of the constitute parts. They created real wealth. And in the past, Auburn had a number of such factories as did most of Central New York and today, most of them are gone - or struggling to hang on. And the attitude of the Mayor of Auburn is one reason why.

He believed that a Casino was a viable way of creating wealth in the community. Sure, during construction, a few jobs might be created to take an old factory site, add labor and materials, to make it something worth more a Casino.

But once up and operating, it would not really create any sustainable wealth in the community - just a few crappy service jobs for a few croupiers, dealers, bartenders and waitresses. And that is all a Casino is, essentially a huge bar. But worse than that, it is merely a way of moving money around - taking small amounts of money from a lot of people - through gambling - and giving it to a few people at the top. It is not creating wealth, but merely rearranging it.

And sadly, it seems our economy is devolving into a Casino Economy - literally or figuratively. As I noted before, it seems that most Americans live within 30 minutes of one sort of Casino or another - whether it is a tribal reservation, a gambling boat, or whatever. Even the government has its hand in the mess, with lotteries of one sort or another. But worse than that, it seems the regular economy is devolving into one giant casino. The name of the game today is to rip-off the consumer, not sell him goods of increased value.

The idea is to get the consumer addicted, to food, to drugs, to liquor, cable TV, the smart phone, whatever, so that they will feel that they need this stuff like it was oxygen and they will suffocate without it. The financial channels and news websites talk about "the economy" in terms of what new IPO you should "invest" in - by placing your bet and hoping that you will "win". The idea of investing in a company that takes raw material and labor and combines them to produce products that are worth more than their constituent parts is, of course, not even discussed.

Who cares about dividends? Sadly, the small investor, who watches five hours of television a night, falls for this sort of nonsense, lock, stock, and barrel. All I need to do is buy the right stocks! People really think this way. They think that a "stock tip" announced on television and known to millions of viewers, is some sort of "inside track" on secret knowledge on how to "win" at investing. It is akin to these folks who sell "systems" to winning at the slots, or blackjack, or whatever.

It is, in short, gambling. The small investor - the poor investor - the dumb investor they are one and the same does stupid things with what little money they have. They buy whatever stock is mentioned in the press, even though the huge gains are all behind us now. The buy what is trendy, what is topical, what is a "sure thing" to go up, because "everyone is talking about it".

They buy a mini-mansion on a funny mortgage, because the TeeVee said "everyone is making money in Real Estate! And when they lose it all, they get pissed off. Someone took their money. They put money in a slot machines - figuratively or literally - and lost it all.

And this is not by accident. The people at the top of our economic pyramid make a lot of money from the economic weaknesses of the people on the very bottom or near the bottom.

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The Magic Economics of Gambling

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